This was published 6 years ago
Talking points brought to Trump Tower meeting shared with Kremlin beforehand
By Sharon LaFraniere and Andrew E. Kramer
New York: Natalia V. Veselnitskaya a arrived at a meeting at Trump Tower in June 2016 hoping to interest top Trump campaign officials in the contents of a memo she believed contained information damaging to the Democratic Party and, by extension, Hillary Clinton.
The material was the fruit of her research as a private lawyer, she has repeatedly said, and any suggestion that she was acting at the Kremlin's behest that day is anti-Russia "hysteria."
Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, meets with Russia's Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika.Credit: AP
But interviews and records show that in the months before the meeting, Veselnitskaya had discussed the allegations with one of Russia's most powerful officials, the prosecutor general, Yuri Y. Chaika. And the memo she brought with her closely followed a document that Chaika's office had given to a US congressman two months earlier, incorporating some paragraphs verbatim.
The coordination between the Trump Tower visitor and the Russian prosecutor general undercuts Veselnitskaya's account that she was a purely independent actor when she sat down with Donald Trump Jr., Jared Kushner, the president's son-in-law, and Paul Manafort, then the Trump campaign chairman. It also suggests that emails from an intermediary to the younger Trump promising that Veselnitskaya would arrive with information from Russian prosecutors were rooted at least partly in fact -- not mere "puffery," as the president's son later said.
Kremlin-linked lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya admits she met with Donald Trump jnr during the 2016 presidential campaign, but insists that she had no compromising information on Hillary Clinton to offer.Credit: AP
In the past week, Veselnitskaya's allegations -- that major Democratic donors were guilty of financial fraud and tax evasion -- have been embraced at the highest levels of the Russian government. President Vladimir Putin of Russia repeated her charges at length last week at an annual conference of Western academics. A state-run television network recently made them the subject of two special reports, featuring interviews with Veselnitskaya and Chaika.
The matching messages point to a synchronised information campaign. Like some other Russian experts, Stephen Blank, a senior fellow with the nonprofit American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, said they indicate that Veselnitskaya's actions "were coordinated from the very top."
The Trump Tower meeting is of keen interest to the special counsel, Robert Mueller, as he investigates Russian efforts to help Trump's campaign. At least one participant at the meeting has already testified before a federal grand jury.
Veselnitskaya declined to be interviewed, saying in an email that The New York Times had published "lies and false claims."
The memo that Veselnitskaya brought to the Trump Tower meeting alleged that Ziff Brothers Investments, a US firm, had illegally purchased shares in a Russian company and evaded tens of millions of dollars of Russian taxes. The company was the financial vehicle of three billionaire brothers, two of them major donors to Democratic candidates including Clinton. By implication, Veselnitskaya, said, those political contributions were tainted by "stolen" money.
Kremlin officials viewed the charges as extremely significant. The Ziff brothers had invested in funds managed by William F. Browder, an American-born financier and fierce Kremlin foe. Browder was the driving force behind a 2012 law passed by Congress imposing sanctions on Russian officials for human rights abuses.
The law, known as the Magnitsky Act, froze Western bank accounts of officials on the sanctions list -- including Chaika's deputy -- and banned them from entering the United States. It was named after Sergei L. Magnitsky, a tax lawyer who had worked for Browder and who died in a Moscow jail after exposing a massive fraud scheme involving Russian officials.
In his speech to Western academics at a Black Sea resort last week, Putin said that US authorities had ignored the allegations against Browder and his investors because the Ziff brothers were major political donors. "They protect themselves in this way," he said.
A spokesman for Ziff Brothers Investments declined to comment. Browder said the charges were concocted to discredit him and to undermine the Magnitsky Act sanctions.
How Veselnitskaya's allegations made their way to the upper reaches of the Russian government, and then to Trump campaign, is a tangled tale. A former prosecutor for the Moscow regional government, Veselnitskaya lives and works in Moscow but has travelled frequently to the United States in recent years, partly to lobby against the Magnitsky Act.
She was also the lead defence lawyer in a civil fraud lawsuit brought by the Justice Department against a Russian firm in New York. The firm, which ultimately settled the case for about $US6 million without admitting fault, was accused of using real estate purchases to launder a portion of the profits from the tax fraud that Magnitsky had uncovered. Browder provided much of the prosecution's evidence.
While investigating Browder and his investors, Veselnitskaya unearthed what she considered evidence of a financial and tax fraud scheme. In October 2015, she took her findings about Browder and the Ziff brothers directly to Chaika, Russia's top prosecutor and a man whom she has said she knows personally.
Chaika was highly pleased with her report, according to a former colleague of Veselnitskaya who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions.
In April 2016, Veselnitskaya teamed with Chaika's office to pass the accusations to a US congressional delegation visiting Moscow. An official with the Russian prosecutor general's office gave a memo detailing the charges -- stamped "confidential" -- to Republican Representative Dana Rohrabacher, who is considered to be one of the most pro-Russia lawmakers in Congress and who heads a subcommittee that helps oversee US policy toward Russia.
Veselnitskaya handed a nearly identical memo to Representative French Hill. She has said she also met with Rohrabacher then, although he said that he does not recall the encounter.
The next month, Chaika's office described the alleged scheme on the prosecutor general's website.
Veselnitskaya came to Trump Tower with a memo that closely resembled the document that prosecutors had given to Rohrabacher in Moscow two months earlier. Some paragraphs were incorporated verbatim, according to a comparison of both documents, which were provided to The Times.
By all accounts, the Trump campaign officials were unimpressed -- even baffled -- by her 20-minute presentation. "Some DNC donors may have done something in Russia and they didn't pay taxes," Donald Trump Jr. said later. "I was, like, 'What does this have to do with anything?'"
After the meeting came to light last summer, Veselnitskaya insisted it was "not related at all to the fact" that Donald Trump Jr. "was the son of the candidate." But by last weekend, she was describing herself as a kind of whistleblower who was trying to expose US political corruption.
Last Friday, she told Rossiya 24, the state television network: "Of course they don't like it when somebody says, even in a friendly tone, 'Guys, what is happening with you at home? Who is in charge of your politics? Who is paying these politicians, and for what?'"
In a follow-up television interview broadcast early this week, Chaika charged that Browder and the Ziffs had illegally used "Russian money" to lobby for the sanctions law.
Russian elites have been known to mount independent initiatives to curry favour with the Kremlin. But a number of well-known Russian analysts called it inconceivable that Veselnitskaya would have bypassed her own government to deliver what are now unmistakably official allegations to a US presidential campaign.
Said Gleb O. Pavlovsky, the president of the Fund for Effective Politics, a Moscow research institute: "She had guidance."
New York Times