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U.S.-China Relations Not Worth Damaging Over Airline Flight Ban During Coronavirus

This article is more than 3 years old.

In proposing to ban Chinese airlines’ passenger flights, the U.S. is picking a fight, issuing thumping policy instead of smoothing diplomatic differences.

The U.S. could have earned appreciation from China’s aviation regulator, airlines and passengers but instead will undo years of goodwill.

Central is China’s March policy restricting airlines to one international flight a week in order to limit imported coronavirus cases.

The policy is universal with all airlines – Chinese, U.S. and other foreign carriers – restricted.

But the U.S. demands special treatment, telling China U.S. airlines should have the “full extent of their bilateral rights.” That would allow Delta Air Lines and United Airlines to have multiple passenger flights a day to China, far more than any other airline.

The U.S. wants travel as normal despite coronavirus. In its two public letters to China, the U.S. fails to make a single mention of the virus, COVID-19, or pandemic – the extenuating circumstances behind China’s policy.

It is hypocritical to fault China for limiting flights. The U.S. made its own virus prevention policies by banning visitors from Europe to Brazil, which effectively restricted foreign airlines.

Another omission was the U.S. not acknowledging all of the approvals China gave for extraordinary cargo flights to carry critical medical supplies to the U.S.

Aircraft were scrambled, with the regular FedEx and UPS freighters joined by airlines sending passenger jets just for their bellyhold capacity. Also deployed was the 767 from the owner of the New England Patriots, and Boeing’s corporate jet.

Medical supplies manufactured in China is a dangerous lifeline to gamble.

The U.S. could have had China as an ally. Chinese airlines do not like the one weekly policy either. They had 34 weekly flights to the U.S. in mid-March and were planning more. Instead they had to cut to a handful of weekly flights in order to comply.

The policy was rash, giving one weekly flight irrespective of country size. It has created problems for China.

Ticket scalpers booked seats and re-sold the tickets after paying the airline name change fee. That prompted regulation about ticket sale distribution.

More recently Chinese nationals became frustrated they could not get home fast enough due to the flight restrictions. Now the U.S. ban threatens to make that longer and with anger directed at the U.S.

The policy was due for revision. China Southern, which has one weekly passenger flight to the U.S., wanted 38 a week beginning July 1.

COVID-19’s risk means China’s flight restrictions are not solely at the discretion of aviation regulator CAAC. The U.S. knows this, saying that when it asked CAAC on May 25 when restrictions would be lifted, “The CAAC remains unable to communicate definitively.”

Flight restrictions are a top-level problem yet the U.S. continues to pick a divisional fight.

The U.S. Department of Transportation pioneered open skies liberalization and has long advanced the U.S.’ international interests. It still has much work ahead in China, as do U.S. airlines, Boeing and other suppliers.

Delta presumably wants a joint-venture with China Eastern one day, and knows the importance of relationships yet could not tame the U.S. arguments. Also an unsuccessful restraint was United, whose aloof relationship with Air China won’t be helped by this incident.

The U.S. outrage returns no favors. The CAAC and Chinese airlines were publicly quiet about the U.S. and Boeing’s 737 MAX certification faults. At the time of the MAX’s grounding, Chinese airlines had more 737 MAX aircraft than U.S. carriers.

If the U.S.’ bullying succeeds, that means the U.S. will win the battle but lose the war.

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