Letter: We need a political party that is devoutly unionist in output and action, but less so in tone

In light of recent election results, a set of questions arise in relation to the sustainability of existing unionist parties in isolation. Is it feasible for three parties to fish over a broad-based coalition of the political right, with contentious social issues being decided over the head of Stormont? And most importantly, are the three parties succeeding in furthering deeper UK integration for Northern Ireland?

This is a familiar scenario to Canada, which in the 1980s and 90s found itself with an emergent Reform Party to the right and repudiated Progressive Conservative Party on the centre-right, neither capable in isolation of commanding a majority government nor a broad-based electorate that encompassed a large spread of Canada. It was the success of the then Conservative Party of Canada, newly formed in 2003, which pragmatically adjusted itself to a commonality in policy between Reform and the Progressive Conservatives that was able to answer the questions posed by a decade of diabolical election results.

As far as unionist unity is concerned, I remain sceptical about an approach that merges the Ulster Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party. Neither party is capable of engaging with working-class apathy or working families, which formerly constituted the Ulster Unionist Party coalition before the Belfast Agreement.

The decline of turnouts in and around strongly British commuter towns is politically very telling, and has come at the expense of the DUP and UUP at the assembly, council, and Westminster levels.

Politically, what should a realignment within unionism look like? A fresh party that supports small, local, and regional businesses, argues for tough law and order, and most importantly, is willing to use UK state power to increase apprenticeships, domestic agriculture, energy security, industry, housebuilding, and home ownership.

Devoutly unionist in output and action, but less so in tone. The advantages of such a policy platform place clear traps and difficulties for Irish nationalism. A coherent political identity that questions the myriad of public administration failures, for example, a Sinn Fein community minister spent £37 million building only 123 homes or an SDLP committed to a bespoke Londonderry university, ignoring the already unsustainable Northern Ireland university fee subsidy that sees Stormont reducing fees by 4.5 thousand pounds regardless of background or economic need.

Some desirable outcomes are likely to result from a wider realignment around Christian Democracy. In the worst-case scenario, left-leaning unionist entryism anchors Naomi Long to the status quo, and in the best-case scenario, it facilitates a means for liberal-left voters to support unionism. Affluent and urban left-liberal voters will not be enthused by the prospect of constitutional change.

It is impossible for unionism to engage working families, rural voters, aspirationals, and urban liberals coherently, but it can work towards building a broad coalition reflecting mainstream Christian Democratic values while speaking to the demographics it needs more of.

Colin Berry, Comber